说“每“和“都“.doc

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1、說“每”和“都”On mei every and dou all潘海华 Haihua Pan香港城市大学 City University of Hong KongEmail: cthpancityu.edu.hk, Homepage: http:/ctlhpan.cityu.edu.hk/haihuapan/Overview:I. 话题/主语与宾语的不对称现象 The Asymmetry Between Subjects/Topics and ObjectsII. “每”和“都”的语义功能 The Semantic Functions of mei and douIII. Explaining

2、 the Asymmetry and Some DiscussionsI. 话题/主语与宾语的不对称现象 The Asymmetry Between Subjects/Topics and Objects1 校长尊重(这里的)每一个学生。2 (这里的)每一个学生都尊重校长。3 (这里的)每一个学生校长都尊重。4 校长尊重(这里的)每一个。5 (这里的)每一个都尊重校长。6 ?这里的每个都尊重校长。(这里的每本都是她买的。)7 *校长尊重这里的每个。8 ?每个都尊重校长。(每本都是她买的。)9 *校长尊重每个。10 每个都是好样的/不错/一样。11 每个我都认识/喜欢。12 他记得每一次约会。1

3、3 每一次约会他都记得。14 他记得每次约会。15 每次约会他都记得。16 他记得每一次。17 每一次他都记得。18 *他记得每次。19 每次他都记得。20 每次都是他约我。21 *校长尊重每两/三个学生。22 *每两/三个学生都尊重校长。23 (这里的)每两/三个学生都/就/只尊重一位校长。24 *他记得每两/三次约会。25 *每两/三次约会他都/就记得。26 他的每两/三次约会他都/就/只记得一次。Generalizations: a. mei + CL cannot appear as an object, though mei every + yi one + CL, mei + CL

4、 + N, and mei + yi + CL + N can; b. none of the combinations mentioned above can appear as an object when yi is replaced by a larger number, though all the combinations can appear as a subject or topic; and c. an indefinite NP has to appear in the comment when the number is larger than one, though t

5、he presence of dou is not necessary.Questions: a. 为什么有上述不对称现象? Why the asymmetry between subjects/topics and objects?b. What semantic contributions do mei and dou make to the sentence meaning? c. What is so special about yi? and why do numbers larger than yi behave differently? andd. Why cant the ob

6、ject be LF-moved to the beginning of the sentence so that the relevant ungrammatical sentences can be saved?II. “每”和“都”的语义功能 The Semantic Functions of mei and douPrevious claims:l 每 mei: D-Quantifier with universal meaning (Huang 2005), Sum operator (Lin 1998)l 都dou: A-Quantifier with universal mean

7、ing (many references, pls refer to Pan 2005 at http:/ctlhpan.cityu.edu.hk/haihuapan/paper/Focus_Dou_Chinese.doc, Distributive operator (Lin 1998 among others), Sum operator (Huang 1995), Event helper (Huang 2005), Unification operator (Fan and Fang 2003)Our claims:l 每 mei: D-Quantifier with universa

8、l meaning and only a sum operator when the number involved is yi.l 都dou: A-Quantifier with universal meaning and an overt realization of the matching function (cf. Rothstein 1995)我认识这里的每一个人。(“每”has to be a Sum operator here.)*我都认识这里的每一个人。(“连 都”的意思除外。)这里的每一个人我都认识。(The mei quantified object must do QR

9、 in surface syntax.)The pairing of mei and dou:a. mei universal quantifier - dou realizes the matching function which matches the VP property with the entity in the domain of quantification of mei;b. mei sum operator - dou universal quantifierNote that, when mei is a universal quantifier, the releva

10、nt NP/DP or TP associated with it is not interpreted as a whole, since mei will be the operator, the remaining NP/DP, the restrictor/domain of quantification, and the remaining sentence, the nuclear scope/matrix. The relevant NP/DP can be interpreted as a whole only when mei is a sum operator.SNP VP

11、Det CNP has two different solutions(都有两个不同的解)every quad. eqs.(二次方程式)每个For mei as a universal operator:Mapping: every quad. equation has two different solutionsInterpretation: x x is a member of the set of quad. equation $e e = has two different solutions & M(e) = x where dou overtly realizes the M i

12、n question in Mandarin.For mei as a sum operator:Mapping: dou every (quad. equation) has two different solutionsInterpretation: x x is a member of the set of quad. equation x has two different solutionswhere the set is derived from mei being a sum operator taking quad. equation as its sole argument.

13、III. Explaining the Asymmetry and Some DiscussionsWhy cant mei + CL and mei + liang/san two/three + CL + (N) appear in object positions? In another word, why can only mei + yi + CL + (N) appear in object positions?As a sum operator, mei needs an argument on which to operate, and as a universal quant

14、ifier, it also requires a domain for quantification in addition to a nuclear scope supplied by the remaining part of the sentence. The remaining part of the NP/DP or the TP associated with mei plays just this role. So when they do not appear, then the object mei + CL will be in trouble, as it will e

15、nd up with no interpretation. The first option being a sum operator cannot be realized, as there is no argument supplied by the relevant sentence. The second option being a universal quantifier is also blocked, as there is no nuclear scope to be supplied by the sentence, as the object does not c-com

16、mand anything to its right.Then why cant the second option save this mei +CL object if we assume that it is LF-moved to the beginning of the sentence, so the whole sentence will be c-commanded by it and thus provide the nuclear scope? The only answer I can think of is that Chinese does the relevant

17、movement in surface syntax and the LF option for quantified phrases is thus not available, as shown by sentences given on page 4.Why do subjects/topics behave so differently from objects? I think this is because the former are special in the sense that they are basically topics so they need introduc

18、e something to the discourse and that something has to be supplied by the omitted NP/DP part. In another word, there is a definiteness or specificity requirement on the former, and it is thus much easier to accommodate the missing NP/DP in subject and topic positions, whereas there is no such a requ

19、irement on objects. Once the missing NP/DP is accommodated, then mei can be interpreted as either a sum operator or universal quantifier. Hence the asymmetry between subjects/topics and objects.Why can the appearance of yi make a difference? Maybe we can say that its appearance implies the existence

20、 of the missing NP/DP. Once this NP/DP is accommodated, the object mei yi CL can be interpreted with mei being the sum operator, though mei still cannot be interpreted as a universal operator there.Why an indefinite NP/DP is always required by mei + liang/san + CL + N? Pragmatics?ReferencesCheng, Li

21、sa L.-S. (1995) “On dou-quantification,” Journal of East Asian Linguistics 4, 197-234.Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and James C.-T. Huang. (1996) “Two types of donkey sentences, Natural Language Semantics 4: 121-163. Chiu, Hui-Chun Bonnie (1990) “A case of quantifier floating in Mandarin Chinese,” paper present

22、ed at the 2nd North American Conf. on Chinese Linguistics, Univ. of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.Dowty, D. & B. Brodie (1984) “The semantics of floating quantifiers in a transformationless grammar,” in Proc. of WCCFL 3, CSLI Publications, Stanford University, pp. 75-90.Gao, Mobo C.F. (1994) Dou as a w

23、ide scope imivemal quantifier. Australian Journal of Linguistics 14: 39-62.Gillion, B.S. (1987) “The reading of plural noun phrases in English,” Linguistics & Philosophy 10, 199-219.Hajiov, Eva, Barbara H. Partee and Peter Sgall. (1998) Topic-Focus Articulation, Tripartite Structures, and Semantic C

24、ontent. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.Hsieh, Ruohmei. (1995) Dou and universal quantification in Chinese, in Proceedings of the 6th North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics, Vol. 1: 85-99.Huang, Shi-Zhe (1995) “Dou as an Existential Quantifier,”in Jose Camacho, Lina Choueiri (eds.) N

25、ACCL-6 V. I. pp. 85-99, GSIL at USC. (paper presented at Six North America Conference on Chinese Linguistics, USC, Los Angeles, 1994)Huang, Shi-Zhe (1996) Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou. Ph. D. Dissertation of University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.Kamp, H.

26、 (1981) A theory of truth and semantic representation. Reprinted in Truth, Interpretation and Information, ed. by J. Groenendijk, T. M. V. Janssen and M. Stokhof. GRASS 2. Dordrecht: Foris, 1984.Lasersohn, Peter (1995) Plurality, Conjunction and Events. Dordrecht Kluwer.Lee, Thomas (1986) Studies on

27、 Quantification in Chinese. UCLA Ph.D. dissertation.Li, Jie. (1995) “Dou and wh-questions in Mandarin Chinese,” Journal of East Asian Linguistics 4(4): 313-323.Li, Xiao-guang (1997) Deriving Distributivity in Mandarin Chinese. UCI dissertations in Linguistics.Lin, Jo-wang (1998) “Distrbutivity in Ch

28、inese and its Implications,” Natural Language Semantics 6, 201-303.Link, G. (1987) “Generalized quantifiers and plurals,” in P. Gdenfors (ed.) Generalized Quantifiers: Linguistic and Logical Approaches. Reidal, Dordrecht, pp. 151-180.Lewis, David. (1975) Adverbs of quantification. In Formal Semantic

29、s of Natural Language, ed. by Edward L. Keenan. 3-15. Cambridge: CUP.Mok, Sui-sang. & Randall Rose. (1997) The semantics and pragmatics of dou: a non-quantificational account. In The Referential Properties of Chinese Noun Phrases, ed. Liejiong Xu, 141-166. Paris: CRLAO, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sc

30、iences -Sociales.Paris, Marie-Claude. (1979) Some aspects of the syntax and semantics of the lian . ye/dou construction in Mandarin. Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale. NO. 5, 47-70. (汉语普通话中的“连也都”,罗慎仪 节译自法文稿,与英文稿略有不同,国外语言学1981年第3期,50-55页转11页。)Pan, Haihua (2000) Implicit Arguments, Collective Pre

31、dicates, and Dou Quantification in Chinese, presented at the 74th Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, Chicago, IL, 6-9 Jan. 2000Partee, B. H. (1991) Topic, focus and quantification. In Proceedings from SALT I, ed. by S. Moore and A. Wyner. 179-196. Ithaca: Cornell University.Rooth,

32、Mats. (1985) Association with Focus. PhD. Dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, distributed by GLSA, Amherst.Rothstein, Susan. (1995) “Adverbial quantification over events.” Natural Language Semantics 3: 1-31. Schwarzschild, R. (1996) Pluralities. Kluwer, Dordrecht.Sgall P., E. Hajiov

33、and J. Panevova. (1986) The Meaning of the Sentence in its Semantic and Pragmatic Aspects, ed. by Jacob L. Mey. Dordrecht: Reidel-Prague: Academia.Wu, Jianxin (1999) “A minimal analysis of dou-quantification,” Ms. University of Maryland College Park.Xu, Liejiong (2004) Remarks on the Meaning of Dou,

34、 talk given at the Linguistics Seminar at City University of Hong Kong.Zhang, Ning. (1997) A binding approach to eventuality quantification in dou constructions. In The Referential Properties of Chinese Noun Phrases, ed. Liejiong Xu, 167-207. Paris: CRLAO, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociale

35、s.程美珍 (1987),关于表示总括全部的“都”,语言教学与研究,第期,27-36页。崔希亮 (1994),从连也都结构看语言中的关联,九十年代的语法思考,邵敬敏、刘大为主编,185-196页,北京语言学院出版社,北京。崔永华 (1984),“连也都”句式试析,语言教学与研究,第期,30-44页。黄瓒辉 2004 量化副词“都”与句子的焦点结构,北京大学博士论文。蒋严 (1998) 语用推理与“都”的句法/语义特征, 现代外语: 语言学与应用语言学,第期,10-30页。蒋严、潘海华 (1998),形式语义学引论,中国社会科学出版社,北京。兰宾汉 (1988),副词“都”的语义及其对后面动词的

36、限制作用,语言教学与研究,第期,46-51页。李行德、徐烈炯、魏元良 (1989),上海话ze的语义及逻辑特点,中国语文,第期,264-272页。吕叔湘主编 (1980),现代汉语八百词,商务印书馆,北京。马真 (1983),关于“都全”所总括的对象的位置,汉语学习,第期。另载陆俭明、马真 (1985),现代汉语虚词散论,98-105页,北京大学出版社,北京。史锡尧 (1990),副词“都”语义语用综合考察,汉语学习,第期,6-10页。苏培成 (1984),有关副词“都”的两个问题,语言学论从,第十三辑,57-61页。王还 (1983),“All”与“都”,语言教学与研究,第期,24-28页。

37、另载王还 (1993),159-164页。王还 (1988a),再谈谈“都”,语言教学与研究,第期,52-53页。另载王还 (1993),165-167页。王还 (1988b),三谈“都”,世界汉语教学,第期。另载王还(1993),168-170页。王还 (1993),门外偶得集(增订本),北京语言学院出版社,北京。徐杰 (1985),“都”类副词的总括对象及其隐现、位序,汉语学习,第期。另载徐杰(1993),汉语描写语法十论,77-87页,河南教育出版社。徐颂列 (1993),表总括的“都”的语义分析,语言教学与研究,第期,75-86页。袁毓林 (2005),“都”的语义功能和关联方向新解。

38、中国语文第2期。中川千枝子 (1985),汉语副词“都”的语境分析及语气分析,中译文:荀春生译,日本近、现代汉语研究论文选,大河内康宪、施光亨主编,(1993) 309-322页,北京语言学院出版社,北京。Query1Grammatical_FCountComment1Obj19Pp-obj9PpP-obj1Pred46Pred-cor1Ps-obj12PsP-obj2Subj69Top17OBJ: 10#S-cor.161 首先, #Subj #NP #PEN 休莱特 #PEN #NP #Subj #Pred 尊重 #Obj #NP 每一位 #NP 员工 #NP #NP #Obj #Pred

39、 #S-cor.161#S-cor.178 其实不然, #S-sub.179 因为 #Subj #NP #PEN 休莱特 #PEN #NP #Subj #Pred 看重 #Obj #NP 每一位 #NP 员工 #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-sub.179 , #S-main.180 所以 #Subj #NP #NP 惠普 #NP #NP 公司 #NP #NP #Subj #Pred 对 #Pp-obj #NP 每一位 #NP 员工 #NP #NP #Pp-obj 实行 #Obj #NP #S-rel.181 #S-sub.182 #Subj #NP ec=NP=惠普公司;180;

40、Subj #NP #Subj #Pred 一经聘用 #Pred #S-sub.182 , #S-main.183 #Subj #NP ec=ec=惠普公司;182;Subj #NP #Subj #Pred 决不轻易辞退 #Pred #S-main.183 #S-rel.181 的 #NP 办法 #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-main.180 #S-cor.178#S-cor.165 #Subj #NP ec=Pron=美国科学家;164;Subj #NP #Subj #Pred 然后据 #Pp-obj #NP #Pron 此 #Pron #NP #Pp-obj 统计出 #Obj

41、#NP #NP 每个 #NP 人 #NP #NP 的 #NP 对称度 #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-cor.165#S-max.116 #Subj #NP #Pron 他=ec=父亲;115;Subj #Pron #NP #Subj #Pred 解释说, #Obj #S-comp.117 #S-cor.118 #Subj #NP #Pron 自己=Pron=父亲;116;Subj #Pron 的 #NP 目标 #NP #NP #Subj #Pred 是 #Obj #S-comp.119 #Subj #NP ec=Pron=父亲;118;Subj(part_of) #NP #Sub

42、j #Pred 学会 #Obj #NP #NP 厂里 #NP 的 #NP 每一项 #NP 工作 #NP #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-comp.119 #Obj #Pred #S-cor.118 , #S-cor.120 #Subj #NP #Pron 他 #Pron #NP #Subj #Pred 乐意去 #Obj #NP #NP 任何一个 #NP 部门 #NP #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-cor.120 #S-comp.117 #Obj #Pred #S-max.116#S-sim.145 #Subj #NP #Pron 我=作者 #Pron #NP 父亲 #

43、NP #NP #Subj #Pred 向 #Pp-obj #NP #Pron 这 #Pron #NP 些 #NP 人 #NP #NP #NP #Pp-obj 请教 #Obj #NP #Pron 他=NP=父亲;145;Subj #Pron #NP 所能想到的 #NP 每一个 #NP 问题 #NP #NP #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-sim.145#S-main.84 #Subj #NP #Pron 我=Pron=作者;83;Subj #Pron #NP #Subj #Pred 要爱 #Obj #NP #NP 每个人 #NP 的 #NP 言谈举止 #NP #NP #Obj #Pr

44、ed #S-main.84#S-cor.28 #Subj #NP #Pron 他们=ec=中国人;14;Subj #Pron #NP #Subj #Pred 重视 #Obj #NP #NP 每一种 #NP-cor #NP 生命 #NP #NP 形式 #NP #NP-cor 或 #NP-cor #NP 生活 #NP #NP 方式 #NP #NP-cor #NP 的 #NP 价值 #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-cor.28#S-cor #Subj #NP #Pron 他们 #Pron #NP #Subj #Pred 用 #Pp-obj #NP 理性 #NP #Pp-obj 控制着 #

45、Obj #NP #Ps-obj #NP #Pron 自己 #Pron #NP 生活 #NP #NP #Ps-obj 中的 #NP 每一个 #NP 细节 #NP #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-cor#S-cor.129 #Subj #NP ec=ec=程序;127;Subj #NP #Subj #Pred 最终达到 #Obj #NP 每一片 #NP 树叶 #NP #NP , 即 #Pp-obj #NP #S-rel.130 #Subj #NP ec=ec=程序;129;Subj #NP #Subj #Pred 可供选择 #Pred #S-rel.130 的 #NP 结果 #NP #

46、NP #Pp-obj #Obj #Pred #S-cor.129#S-cor.206 #Subj #NP #S-rel.207 #Subj #NP ec=Pron=任何人;206;Obj(part_of) #NP #Subj #Pred 不轻易动摇 #Obj #NP ec=ec=任何人;207;Subj #NP #Obj #Pred #S-rel.207 的 #NP 信心 #NP #NP #Subj #Pred 是 #Obj #NP #Pron 我们=ec=任何人;207;Obj #Pron #NP #NP 每个 #NP 人 #NP #NP #NP 所向往的 #NP #NP #NP #Obj #Pred #S-cor.206Temporal NPs: 9#S-cor #Subj #NP ec #NP #Subj #Pred 迎接 #Obj #NP #NP 每日 #NP #NP #S-rel #Subj #NP ec #NP #Subj #Pred 像 #Pp-obj #Ps-obj #NP 流水 #NP #Ps-obj 般 #Pp-

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