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1、 Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 33 404419 2008 ISSN 0020-2754 2008 The Authors. Journal compilation Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd Tenure-based residential segregation in post-reform Chinese cities: a case study of Shanghai Zhigang Li* an
2、d Fulong Wu* The Chinese cities, once characterised by egalitarianism, are becoming the most unequal cities in the world. However, little is known about the spatial implications of such a tremendous transition. This paper examines residential segregation in post-reform Shanghai. For the first time i
3、n studying Chinese cities, fine resolution data on the level of the residential committee, from the fifth population census conducted in 2000, are used. The spatial variation of housing tenure is found to be prominent. Most variables in the Index of Dissimilarity (ID) for housing tenure are above 0.
4、5, while the spatial variation of commodity housing purchased and public housing rental is as high as 0.7, indicating a remarkable concentration of various housing groups. No evidence, however, suggests a high extent of segregation of social groups comparable to the West such as in the UK and US. ID
5、 between rural migrants and local residents is just 0.20.4. ID between residents with low-level and high-level educational attainment is around 0.3. In terms of hukou (household registration) status, educational attainment and housing tenure, a division between the central city and its surrounding a
6、reas is identified. Most communities are characterised by homogeneous tenure and heterogeneous population. In all, post-reform urban China is characterised by tenure-based residential segregation. Through market-oriented housing consumption, a new stratified sociospatial structure is in the making;
7、its outcome, however, will continue to be shaped by the sustained impact of institutions such as hukou and work units. key words housing tenureresidential segregationChinese citiesShanghai *Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou 510275, PR China email: *School
8、of City and Regional Planning, Cardiff University, Cardiff CF10 3WA revised manuscript received 22 February 2008 Introduction In the last 40 years of the twentieth century, a new international division of labour and the revolutionary development of information technology cultivated an unprecedented
9、socioeconomic transformation in human history. In cities, such a massive transi- tion, underpinned by new political ideology, is producing a new sociospatial ecology. Socioeconomic restructuring during recent decades has had a tremendous impact upon urban spatial structure, and the extent of the tra
10、nsformation is found to be unprecedented (Marcuse and Kempen 2000). Such viewpoints represent the rising academic interest in the restructuring of contemporary society. Specifically, a number of heated debates imply increased disparities in post-Fordist cities (for example, Burgers 1996; Hamnett 199
11、4; Hill and Kim 2000; Sassen 2001). Extremely poor or rich spatial units, such as the gated community, ghetto, enclave or citadel, have been identified (Marcuse 1997; Webster 2001). With extensive Tenure-based residential segregation in post-reform Chinese cities 405 Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 33 404419
12、 2008 ISSN 0020-2754 2008 The Authors. Journal compilation Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2008 literature on concepts such as the dual city, divided cities, and so on, there are rising concerns about the increasingly fragmented sociospatial structure of cities
13、. While the socialist city presents a unique pattern of sociospatial differentiation, post-socialist cities, such as cities in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the former Soviet Union, are also witnessing increased sociospatial divisions (e.g. Sykora 1999; Pickvance 2002; Gentile 2003; Ruoppila
14、2005). A parallel socioeconomic transition with increased disparities also appears in China. In the second half of the last century, under the transition from Maos socialism to Dengs market pragmatism, the Chinese socio-economic system experienced tremen- dous changes (Wu et al . 2007). Accordingly,
15、 the market economy has led to a fundamental trans- formation of urban landscapes (Yeh and Wu 1995): a land market has been set up; central economic planning has been weakened; the once strictly controlled hukou (household registration) system has been relaxed; millions of rural migrants have entere
16、d cities; reform of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) has led to millions of laid-off workers (Wu 2004), while the emergence of the private sector has created a new rich class; and the feature of settled foreigners such as Japanese, Koreans and others has become prominent. Such a transition has signifi
17、c- ant implications for the sociospatial structure of urban China. A number of new sociospatial phenomena have been identified (for a review, see Ma 2002). As Chinese cities change from being centres of pro- duction to centres of consumption, consumerism has emerged (Davis 2000). The new rich class
18、has begun to share similarities with their Western models of clustered zones of affluence (Hu and Kaplan 2001); gated communities appeared in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou (Wu and Webber 2004; Wu 2005). Rural migrants, however, treated as outsiders and marginalised, are denied welfare and housing
19、provision in cities (Wu 2001 2002; Fan 2002; Huang 2003). Accordingly, migrants accumulate in the urban fringe; Zhejiangcun (Zhejiang village), Henancun (Henan village), and Anhuicun (Anhui village) in Beijing are some examples (Ma and Xiang 1998; Gu et al . 1999; Gu and Liu 2001); Chengzhongcun, or
20、 village in the city, in Guangzhou and other cities in the Pearl River Delta (PRD), is another example (Zhang et al. 2003). Migrant enclaves take shape, however, without obvious signs of squatter settlements as found elsewhere in the developing world. With rising numbers of such migrant neighbourhoo
21、ds, the phenomenon is even taken as Chinas unique pattern of informal urbanisation (Gu and Shen 2003). Since the late 1990s, millions of workers have been laid off from SOEs, and a new group of urban poverty has appeared (Wu 2004; Chen et al. 2006). The term underclass ( dicheng ) is widely document
22、ed (Wang 2004). The old institution of welfare pro- vision by work units is eroded, while new institu- tions have not been established. Two major groups of poor residents appear in urban areas: the poor among the official urban residents and the poor rural migrants (Liu and Wu 2006). The public hous
23、ing is reduced. Affordable public rentals are underdeveloped. New forms of poverty neighbour- hoods therefore appear: inner-city dilapidated areas, concentrated industrial areas (especially workers villages), and rural migrant enclaves in peripheral areas (Wu 2007). The increase in sociospatial disp
24、arities is widespread in post-reform urban China (Logan 2001). As with cities under post-Fordist transition in the West, however, the questions are whether a new sociospatial order is under construction, and whether such a transition is going to follow the same trajectory as its Western counterparts
25、. This article intends to develop a systematic understanding of residential segregation in post-reform Shanghai. As the Paris of the Orient in the 1920s, Shanghai received a variety of influences from the outside world (Lu 1999). It was known as an open city, its landscape was in the Western style,
26、and its residents were known for their entrepreneurship. In the era of planned economy, Shanghai was regarded as the industrial base of China. Accordingly, the city soon changed from being the capital of capitalism to being a centre of SOEs. The tremendous impact of the planned economy upon the city
27、 lasted until the late 1980s. Today, regarded as the dragon head of Chinas rising economy, the city is on the pathway to becoming an essential gateway to China, and is becoming a globalising city (Wu 2000; Yusuf and Wu 2002). What is the extent and scale of residential segregation? What is the deter
28、minant of residential segregation? The paper will try to answer such questions. The following content is organised in three parts. It begins with a temporal and struc- tural examination of the process of sociospatial change in Chinese cities. An empirical analysis is then undertaken to unveil the fe
29、atures of residen- tial segregation in Shanghai, and to evaluate the 406 Zhigang Li and Fulong Wu Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 33 404419 2008 ISSN 0020-2754 2008 The Authors. Journal compilation Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2008 extent of residential stratificatio
30、n and segregation. The findings are summarised and discussed in the last section. Sociospatial restructuring of post-reform Chinese cities To understand spatial difference is one of the most fundamental and enduring lines of scholarly enquiry in geography and social sciences (for a review, see Marcu
31、se and Kempen 2002). It is common that people with distinctive characteristics live in different neighbourhoods. Residential segre- gation refers to the degree to which there is a differential distribution of groups across space (Iceland et al. 2002). Most studies on residential segregation involve
32、concerns of both racial and class dimensions (for details, see van Kempen and Ozuekren 1998). Ethnic segregation is a persistent form of residential segregation in most cities. Although there are 55 main ethnic minorities in China, the distribution of minorities is mainly in the western region of Ch
33、ina. In most coastal and large cities, their quantity is not large enough to constitute social areas. Therefore, for most Chinese cities, there is a lack of ethnic dimension of intra-urban residential segregation. The minorities in Chinese cities are not in proportion with the AfricanAmericans or Hi
34、spanics in US cities. Instead, socioeconomic status is the major dimension of residential segregation for Chinese cities today (Wu and Li 2005). Importantly, as China changes from a planned to a market-oriented economy, a study of residential segregation in post-reform urban China will help to provi
35、de a better understand- ing of the impact of the market upon segregation. Chinese cities have a different history and political economy from both Western cities and post-socialist cities. As Asian cities, Chinese cities have higher density and mixed residential and commercial uses (Pannell and Welch
36、 1980). Compared with other post-socialist cities such as those in the CEEs, socialist urban China has a stronger rural nature, which constrained the capacity for large-scale urban construction. Therefore, a study of residential segregation of Chinese cities will not only contribute to the knowledge
37、 of segregation in general but also provide information for understanding the new sociospatial landscape against these unique contexts. The traditional perspectives of sociospatial studies concentrate on socioeconomic status, ethnicity and lifestyle the three classic determinants identified by Shevk
38、y and Bell (1955). Recently, it has been highlighted that the state, once largely ignored, plays a significant role in the sociospatial restructuring of cities (Marcuse and Kempen 2002). Residential choices are by no means solely made on the basis of individual or household factors; rather, they are
39、 also impacted by institutional forces. The cities of transitional countries further show the significance of institution. Within the cities of socialist countries, housing was among other items subject to collective consumption, which aimed to reduce the cost of urbanisation and to ease the bottlen
40、eck of industrial development. Work units (namely the SOEs acting as the basic unit of the socialist collectivism regime) worked as the organiser of housing consumption. Even after market reform, selected collectives such as univer- sities or academic institutions in China continue to act as resourc
41、e distributors of the bounded spatial unit. In this sense, the institution continued to exert influences on sociospatial structure of urban China. Pre-reform Chinese urban structure was charac- terised by a cluster of cellular communities. Because of the relative homogeneity of residents, social are
42、as in the pre-reform era were mainly built upon different land uses rather than social stratifi- cation (Lo 1994; Yeh et al . 1995). For instance, workers tended to live near industrial areas, whereas intellectuals clustered near schools and universities (Yeh et al . 1995). The characteristics of so
43、cial areas were determined by the features of the work units and their composition of employees. For instance, the facilities in a neighbourhood depended on the status of the enterprises or administrative body that funded it. In other words, where people lived, and what neighbourhood facilities they
44、 had, depended on their workplaces rather than their personal attributes (Logan et al. 1999). After 1978, against the context of political-economic changes, housing provision was gradually shifted away from the established work-unit based system. The state determined to change the old welfare system
45、 of housing through promoting home own- ership. New housing such as commodity housing and affordable housing was added to the tenure list. Consequently, the amount of real estate invest- ment in Shanghai increased from just 87 million yuan in 1987 to 8160 million yuan in 1990, to 56 617 million yuan
46、 in 2000, and to as high as 127 559 million yuan in 2006 (SSB 2007). Individual house- holds were granted the freedom to choose residence Tenure-based residential segregation in post-reform Chinese cities 407 Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 33 404419 2008 ISSN 0020-2754 2008 The Authors. Journal compilation
47、Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2008 through purchasing or renting, with or without subsidies. This indicates a transition of the determinant of residential segregation from institutional factors to socioeconomic factors. The outcome includes an unprecedented u
48、pswing in commodity housing construction, the constellation of luxury housing estates, increasing residential mobility and the emergence of diversified enclaves. On the housing production side, with regard to housing investment, single budgetary allocation was replaced by multiple channels, includin
49、g self-fundraising and foreign direct investment. Real estate developers begin to produce houses of various standards (Huang and Clark 2002). In Shanghai, the proportion of housing investment within fixed capital investments increased from just 7.4 to 10.4 per cent in 1980, to 18.9 per cent in 1990, to 23.7 per cent in 2000, and to 32.5 per cent in 2006 (SSB 2007). As a result, housing space per person greatly increased from 3.6 m 2 in 1978 to 6.5 m 2 in 1990, to 9.3 m 2 in 1998 (L et al. 2001).