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1、第 1 页 Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Four Freedoms1 特征码 CgBCbZxuuwOOnGeRJOzP Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Four Freedoms Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress: I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because
2、at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of theseth
3、e four-year war between the Statesever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the pass in our national unity. It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have
4、 even engaged in two wars with European nations and 第 2 页 in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the Principles of peaceful merce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national
5、safety or our continued independence. What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained oppositionclear, definite oppositionto any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thin
6、king of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas. That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. Whi
7、le the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clea 第 3 页 ar that neither France nor Great Britain nor any
8、other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world. And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914ninety-nine yearsno single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation. Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreig
9、n power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength. Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visu
10、alize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy. We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world 第 4 页 reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far les
11、s unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny. I suppose that every realist knows that the
12、democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the worldassailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During sixteen long months this assault has blo
13、tted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small. Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of
14、 the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the 第 5 页 safety of our country and of our de mocracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that def
15、ense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the pop
16、ulation and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphereyes, many times over. In times like these it is immature and, incidentally, untruefor anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world. No realistic American
17、can expect from a dictators 第 6 页 peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religionor even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty t
18、o purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety. As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We must es
19、pecially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictat
20、or nation win this war. There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it 第 7 页 is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enoug
21、h to attack u s by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate. But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europeparticularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by trea
22、chery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupesand great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As l
23、ong as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack. And that is why the future of all the American 第 8 页 Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. Th
24、at is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibilitygreat accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarilyalmost exclusivelyto meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic
25、problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the
26、dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end. Our national policy is this: First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are mitted to all-inclusive national defense. Second, by an impressive expressi
27、on of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are mitted to 第 9 页 full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keep ing war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall preva
28、il, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation. Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are mitted to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a p
29、eace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other peoples freedom. In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on
30、the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens 第 10 页 everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and plete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leader
31、s of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some casesand, I am sorry to say, very important cases - we
32、 are all concerned by the slowness of the acplishment of our plans. The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And todays best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am
33、not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too hi
34、gh or 第 11 页 too low, our objective is quicker and be tter results. To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up. We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are worki
35、ng to get even further ahead of that schedule. To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. The greatest difficulty es at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facili
36、ties, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them. The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself 第 12 页 informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Cong
37、ress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence. New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriation
38、s and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediat
39、e role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense. The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surre
40、nder merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. 第 13 页 I do not remend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons - a loan to be repaid in dollars. I remend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war
41、 materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense. Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how m
42、uch should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense. For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid
43、in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can 第 14 页 produce and which we need. Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you
44、the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever- increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge.“ In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international l
45、aw or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be. And when the dictatorsif the dictators-are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
46、 They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to mit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore bees an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future 第 15 页 generations of Americans may well depend
47、 on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nations hands must not be tied when the nations life is in danger. Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices
48、 that the emergencyalmost as serious as war itself-demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need. A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to l
49、ook to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups. The best way of dealing with the few slackers or 第 16 页 trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government. As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which e from an unshakable